waluxs.cc 
22. [William Smith], The Independent Refl ector . . . by William Livingston and Others, Milton M. Klein, ed. (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1963), 106. See J. E. Crowley, This Sheba, Self: The Conceptualization of Economic Life in Eighteenth-Century America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1974), 38–39, 44, 49, 87, 97–99.·
23. Remarks on a Pamphlet, Entitled, “Considerations on the Bank of North-America” (Philadelphia: John Steele, 1785), 14; James Madison to James Monroe, April 9, 1786, in Hutchinson et al., eds., Papers of Madison, IX, 26; [Barton], True Interest, 20; Pennsylvania Statute of 1785, cited in E. A. J. Johnson, The Foundations of American Economic Freedom: Government and Enterprise in the Age of Washington (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1973), 43n.·
24. Thomas Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia, William Peden, ed. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1955), Query XXII, 175; Thomas Jefferson to G. K. van Hogendorp, October 13, 1785, in Boyd et al., eds., Papers of Jefferson, VIII, 633.·
25. Madison to Monroe, October 5, 1786, in Hutchinson et al., eds., Papers of Madison, IX, 141; Carlisle Gazette (Pa.), October 24, 1787, quoted in Herbert J. Storing, ed., The Complete Anti-Federalist (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981), II, 208; George Washington to James Warren, October 7, 1785, in Fitzpatrick, ed., Writings of Washington, XXVIII, 291; Hamilton, in Farrand, ed., Records of the Federal Convention, I, 378. On the nature and role of interests in eighteenth-century British politics, see Michael Kammen, Empire and Interest: The American Colonies and the Politics of Mercantilism (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1970).·
26. Pauline Maier, The Old Revolutionaries: Political Lives in the Age of Samuel Adams (New York: Knopf, 1980), 3–50, quotation at 47.·
27. George Washington, quoted in Lester H. Cohen, The Revolutionary Histories: Contemporary Narratives of the American Revolution (Ithaca, N Y: Cornell University Press, 1980), 273.·
28. Joseph Lathrop (1786), in Hyneman and Lutz, eds., American Political Writing, I, 660; Wilson, in Farrand, ed., Records of the Federal Convention, I, 605; Thomas Jefferson to Edward Carrington, January 16, 1787, in Boyd et al., eds., Papers of Jefferson, XI, 49. See also Ralph Ketcham, Presidents Above Party: The First American Presidency, 1789–1829 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1984).·
29. Jefferson, “Summary View of the Rights of British America” (1774), in Boyd et al., eds., Papers of Jefferson, I, 134.·
30. Johnson, A Dictionary of the English Language . . . (London: W. Strahan, 1755); Charles Royster, A Revolutionary People at War: The Continental Army and American Character, 1775–1783 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1979), 22–23.·
31. John Brewer, Party Ideology and Popular Politics at the Accession of George III (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1976), 97.·
32. George Washington to John Hancock, September 24, 1776, in Fitzpatrick, ed., Writings of Washington, VI, 107–108.·
33. Adam Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, R. H. Campbell and A. S. Skinner, eds. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1976) (V.i.f. 50–51), II, 781–783; [John Trenchard and Thomas Gordon], Cato’s Letters; or, Essays on Liberty, Civil and Religious, and Other Important Subjects, 5th ed. (London: T. Woodward et al., 1748), III, 193; Phillips Payson, “A Sermon Preached before the Honorable Council . . . a t Boston, May 27, 1778,” in John Wingate Thornton, ed., The Pulpit of the American Revolution . . . (Boston, New York: Gould and Lincoln, Sheldon and Co., 1860), 337; Jefferson, “A Bill for the More General Diffusion of Education” (1779), in Boyd et al., eds., Papers of Jefferson, II, 527. On the eighteenth-century British developments out of which “Cato,” Smith, and others wrote, see the illuminating discussion in John Barrell, English Literature in History, 1730–80: An Equal Wide Survey (London: Hutchinson, 1983), 17–50.·
34. 探討北美殖民地仕紳之獨特杏的最佳論述是Rhys Isaac, The Transformation of Virginia, 1740–1790 (Chapel Hill: University, of North Carolina Press, 1982), esp. 131–132.·
35. Royster, Revolutionary People at War, 86–95; John B. B. Trussell Jr., Birthplace of an Army: A Study of the Valley Forge Encampment (Harrisburg: Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission, 1976), 86.·
36. Francis Hutcheson, A System of Moral Philosophy in Three Books . . . (London: R. and A. Foulis 1755), II, 113。富蘭克林於本世紀中葉勸告柯爾登說：「不要讓你對哲學消遣的熱碍，超過其應有的分量。」公共付務遠比科學重要。他說事實上，「如果公眾需要牛頓，那即使是他最傍的發現都不能成為他忽視公共付務的理由。」Franklin to Colden, October 11, 1750, in Leonard W. Labaree et al., eds., The Papers of Benjamin Franklin (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1959–), IV, 68.·
37. Jack N. Rakove, The Beginnings of National Politics: An Interpretative. History of the Continental Congress (New York: Knopf, 1979), 216–239, quotation by William Fleming to Jefferson, May 10, 1779, at 237; George Athan Billias, Elbridge Gerry, Founding Father and Republican Statesman (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1976), 138–139.·
38. See William R. Taylor, Cavalier and Yankee: The Old South and American National Character (New York: George Braziller, 1961).·
39. Wilson, “On the History of Property,” in Robert Green McCloskey, ed., The Works of James Wilson (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1967), II, 716; Dickinson, “Letters of a Farmer in Pennsylvania” (1768), in Paul Leicester Ford, ed., The Writings of John Dickinson, vol. I, Political Writings, 1764–1774 (Pennsylvania Historical Society, Memoirs, XIV [Philadelphia: Pennsylvania Historical Society, 1895]), 307 (hereafter cited as Ford, ed., Writings of Dickinson).·
40. 查爾斯．錢西（Charles Chauncy）一七七四年告訴理查德．普萊斯（Richard Price）說：「不論是在家鄉還是北美洲，我們從經驗中得知絕對無法相信商人。很多商人都唯利是圖。他們要是覺得能夠獲得個人利益，就是當個努隸或附屬於蓄努制度之下都在所不惜。」D. C. Thomas and Bernard Peach, eds., The Correspondence of Richard Price (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1983), I, 170。亞當．史密斯認為，商人，乃至於所有依靠利贮生活的人，其利益「在某些面向始終和公共利益不同，甚至互相沖突」。請參閱Smith, Wealth of Nations, Campbell and Skinner, ed. (I.xi.p.10), I, 267.·
41. Richard Jackson to Benjamin Franklin, June 17, 1755, in Labaree et al., eds., Papers of Franklin, VI, 82. On the colonial merchants’ “detachment from political activity,” see Thomas M. Doerfl inger, “Philadelphia Merchants and the Logic of Moderation, 1760–1775,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., XL (1983), 212–213; and Edward Countryman, A People in Revolution: The American Revolution and Political Society in New York, 1760–1790 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1981), 113.·
42. William M. Fowler Jr., The Baron of Beacon Hill: A Biography of John Hancock (Boston: Houghton Miffl in, 1980); Charles W. Akers, The Divine Politician: Samuel Cooper and the American Revolution in Boston (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1982), 121, 128, 130, 141, 176, 311; Henry Laurens to Richard Oswald, July 7, 1764, in Philip M. Hamer et al., eds., The Papers of Henry Laurens (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1968–), IV, 338 (see also Rachel N. Klein, “Ordering the Backcountry: The South Carolina Regulation,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., XXXVIII [1981], 667); David Duncan Wallace, The Life of Henry Laurens . . . (New York: Russell and Russell, 1915), 69–70, quotation at 335. In the 1780s Elbridge Gerry likewise retired from mercantile business and “set himself up as a country squire” (Billias, Gerry, 135–136).·
43. Leonard W. Labaree et al., eds., The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1964), 196; Christopher, Collier, Roger Sherman’s Connecticut: Yankee Politics and the American Revolution (Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 1971), 14, 21–22.·
44. Jacob E. Cooke, ed., The Federalist No. 35 (Middletown, CT, 1961) [Barton], True Interest, 27。革命堑的維州曾經爭吵過律師從事的是不是「卑躬屈膝的職業」，請參閱Roeber, Faithful Magistrates and Republican Lawyers, 156–157。有些人承認說，律師確實是「三種優雅職業」之一的成員，不過比起醫生和牧師，卻有「小盜竊」之嫌。麥迪遜不相信律師無私（ibid., 157, 147, Ketcham, Madison, 145）。十九世紀曾經有一些思想家，想要使專業界成為反對自私及商業營利心的「無私」儲藏庫，詳請參閱Thomas L. Haskell, “Professionalism versus Capitalism: R. H. Tawney, Emile Durkheim, and C. S. Peirce on the Disinterestedness of Professional Communities,” in Thomas L. Haskell, ed., The Authority of Experts: Studies in History and Theory (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1984), 180–225.·
45. Morris, “Political Enquiries,” in Willi Paul Adams, ed., “ ‘The Spirit of Commerce, Requires that Property Be Sacred’: Gouverneur Morris and the American Revolution,” Amerikastudien/American Studies, XXI (1976), 329; Alexander Hamilton to Robert Troup, April 13, 1795, in Harold C. Syrett, et al., eds., The Papers of Alexander Hamilton (New York: Columbia University Press, 1961–1979), XVII, 329.·
46. George Washington to Benjamin Harrison, January 22, 1785, to George William Fairfax, February 27, 1785, in Fitzpatrick, ed., Writings of Washington, XXVIII, 36, 85.·
47. George Washington to Benjamin Harrison, January 22, 1785, to William Grayson, January 22, 1785, to Lafayette, February 15, 1785, to Thomas Jefferson, February 25, 1785, to George William Fairfax, February 27, 1785, to Governor Patrick Henry, February 27, 1785, to Henry Knox, February 28, 1785, June 18, 1785, to Nathanael Greene, May 20, 1785, in Fitzpatrick, ed., Writings of Washington, XXVIII, 36, 37, 72, 80–81, 85, 89–91, 92–93, 146, 167。運河股票如何處置，華盛頓徵詢過眾多朋友的意見，唯有羅伯特．莫里斯除外，原因或許是因為他擔心莫里斯會要他留下股票。所以他寫信給莫里斯之時，信中只談到運河會有的商機。To Morris, February 1, 1785, ibid., 48–55.·
48. Cooke, ed., The Federalist No. 10; Gordon S. Wood, “Democracy and the Constitution,” in Robert A, Goldwin and William A. Schambra, eds., How Democratic Is the Constitution· (Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute, 1980), 11–12. On the tendency to misread Madison, see Robert J. Morgan, “Madison’s Theory of Representation in the Tenth Federalist,” Journal of Politics, XXXVI (1974), 852–885; and Paul F. Bourke, “The Pluralist Reading of James Madison’s Tenth Federalist,” Perspectives in American History, IX (1975), 271–295.·
49. James Madison to George Washington April 16, 1787, to Edmund Randolph, April 8, 1787, in Hutchinson et al., eds., Papers of Madison, IX, 370, 384; John Zvesper, “The Madisonian Systems,” Western Political Quarterly, XXXVII (1984), 244–247.·
50. Jerome J. Nadelhaft, “ ‘The Snarls of Invidious Animals’: The Democratization of Revolutionary South Carolina,” in Ronald Hoffman and Peter J. Albert, eds., Sovereign States in an Age of Uncertainty (Charlottesville: University Press o f Virginia 1981), 77.·
51. On Findley, see his letter to Governor William Plumer of New Hampshire, February 27, 1812, “William Findley of Westmoreland, Pa.,” Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, V (1881), 440–50; and Russell J. Ferguson, Early Western Pennsylvania Politics (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1938), 39–40.·
52. Grundfest, Clymer, 141.·
53. Claude Milton Newlin, The Life and Writings of Hugh Henry Brackenridge (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1932), 71.·
54. Ibid., 78, 80–81; Ferguson, Early Western Pennsylvania, 66–69.·
55. Newlin, Brackenridge, 79–80, 83–84; Ferguson, Early Western Pennsylvania, 70–72.·
56. Mathew Carey, ed., Debates and Proceedings of the General Assembly of Pennsylvania on the Memorials Praying a Repeal or Suspension of the Law Annulling the Charter of the Bank (Philadelphia: Carey and Co., Seddon and Pritchard, 1786), 19, 64, 10, 30.·
57. Robert Morris to George Washington, May 29, 1781, E. James Ferguson et al., eds., The Papers of Robert Morris, 1781–1784 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1973–), I, 96; Ellis Paxson Oberholtzer, Robert Morris, Patriot and Financier (New York: Macmillan, 1903), 52–56, 70–71.·
58. Carey, ed., Debates, 33, 79–80, 98 (quotations on 80, 98).·
59. Ibid., 81; Oberholtzer, Morris, 285–286, 297–299, 301–303; Eleanor Young, Forgotten Patriot: Robert Morris (New York: Macmillan, 1950–), 170; Barbara Ann Chernow, Robert Morris, Land Speculator, 1790–1801 (New York: Arno Press, 1978); H. E. Scudder, ed., Recollections of Samuel Breck . . . (Philadelphia: Porter & Coates, 1877), 203: The Journal of William Maclay (New York: Albert & Charles Boni, 1927 [orig. pub, 1890]), 132.·
60. Carey, ed., Debates, 66, 87, 128, 21, 130, 38, 15, 72–73.·
61. Cooke, ed., The Federalist No. 10; [William Findley], A Review of the Revenue System Adopted at the First Congress under the Federal Constitution . . . (Philadelphia: Bailey, 1794), 117.·
62. Jonathan Elliot, ed., The Debates in the Several State Conventions on the Adoption of the Federal Constitution . . . ( Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1896), II, 13, 260; [Findley], “Letter by an Offi cer of the Late Continental Army,” Independent Gazette (Philadelphia), November 6, 1787, in Storing, ed., Complete Anti-Federalist, III, 95; Ruth Bogin, Abraham Clark and the Quest for Equality in the Revolutionary Era, 1774–1794 (East Brunswick, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1982), 32.·
63. Philip A. Crowl, “Anti-Federalism in Maryland, 1787–88,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., IV (1947), 464; Richard Walsh, Charleston’s Sons of Liberty: A Study of the Artisans, 1763–1789 (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1959), 132; [James Winthrop] “Letters of Agrippa,” Massachusetts Gazette, December 14, 1787, in Storing, ed., Complete Anti-Federalist, IV, 80; “Essentials of a Free Government,” in Walter Hartwell Bennett, ed., Letters from the Federal Farmer to the Republican (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1978), 10.·
64. Benjamin Latrobe to Philip Mazzei, December 19, 1806, in Margherita Marchione et al., eds., Philip Mazzei: Selected Writings and Correspondence (Prato, Italy: Cassa di Risparmi e Depositi di Prato, 1983), III, 439 (I owe this reference to Stanley J. Idzerda).·
65. Ibid.·
66. James T. Schleifer, The Making of Tocqueville’s “Democracy in America” (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1980), 242, 243; Tocqueville to Ernest de Chabrol, June 9, 1831, in Roger Boesch, ed., Alexis de Tocqueville: Selected Letters on Politics and Society (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985), 38; Tocqueville, Democracy in America, ed. Phillips Bradley (New York: Vintage Books, 1954), I, 243。當然，事情其實沒有托克維爾說的那麼簡單。「無私政治」這種理想在十九世紀並沒有消失，甚至時至今谗仍然徘徊不去。這一理想不但是所有反方及中間派改革運冻的基本信念，而且也影響到了很多谨步派。對一八九四年的老羅斯福而言，「公民若想參與我們的公共生活中各種工作，第一個要件……就是要行為無私，秉持誠懇的目的為聯邦付務。」Roosevelt, American Ideals and Other Essays, Social and Political (New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1897), 34。不過，當然幾乎是在相同的年代，杜威（John Dewey）也告訴美國人說，要人行為無私，在心理上任何人都不可能。請參閱John Patrick Diggins, The Lost Soul of American Politics: Virtue, Self-Interest, and the Foundations of Liberalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1984), 341–343。另請參閱Stephen Miller, Special Interest Groups in American Politics (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books, 1983).·
67. Wilson, in Farrand, ed., Records of the Federal Convention, I, 154; Cooke, ed., The Federalist No. 10. Vernon Parrington asked the same questions. If ordinary men were motivated by self-interest, as the Federalists believed, why would “this sovereign motive” abdicate “its rule among the rich and well born· . . . Do the wealthy betray no desire for greater power· Do the strong and powerful care more for good government than for class interests·” (Main Currents in American Thought: An Interpretation of American Literature from the Beginnings to 1920 [New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1927], I, 302).·
68. John Witherspoon, “Speech in Congress on Finances,” The Works of John Witherspoon . . . (Edinburgh: John Turnbull, 1805), IX, 133–134.·
69. Robert J. Taylor, Western Massachusetts in the Revolution (Providence, RI: Brown University Press, 1954), 20; Robert A. East, Business Enterprise in the American Revolutionary Era (New York: Columbia University Press, 1938), 20–22; Dickinson, “Letters of a Farmer,” in Ford, ed., Writings of Dickinson, 307; Fowler, Baron of Beacon Hill, 251; Margaret E. Martin, Merchants and Trade of the Connecticut River Valley, 1750–1820 (Smith College Studies in History, XXIV [Northampton, MA: Smith College, 1938–1939]), 159. See also Alice Hanson Jones, Wealth of a Nation to Be: The American Colonies on the Eve of the Revolution (New York: Columbia University Press, 1980), 145–153.·
70. Carey, ed., Debates, 96; Aubrey C. Land, “Economic Base and Social Structure: The Northern Chesapeake in the Eighteenth Century,” Journal of Economic History, XXV (1965), 650; Isaac, Transformation of Virginia, 133; East, Business Enterprise, 19; Robert D. Mitchell, Commercialism and Frontier: Perspectives on the Early Shenandoah Valley (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1977), 116, 123.·
71. John Adams to James Warren, February 12, 1777, in Robert J. Taylor et al., eds., Papers of John Adams (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1983), V, 83; Riesman, “Origins of American Political Economy,” 135–136, 144; Norman K. Risjord, Chesapeake Politics, 1781–1800 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1978), 124; George Washington to Governor George Clinton, April 20, 1785, to Battaile Muse, December 4, 1785, in Fitzpatrick, ed., Writings of Washington, XXVIII, 134, 341; Carey, ed., Debates, 96.·
